Already invited the Greek Church

He reminded the pope that, as he had already invited the Greek Church while in schism to take part in a council, he might now with greater effect preside over such an assembly. The day of salvation had arrived—the day which old men and Christians ought to celebrate; the day destined to see peace and union re-established. Other popes, for various reasons, had visited New Borne, why not he? Baldwin declared that the bishops, the abbots, and even the lower clergy had conducted themselves so honorably, so prudently, and so bravely that it was only right that they should receive their reward at the hands of the Lord. As for himself, who had been judged worthy to be elected emperor, he recommended the Doge of Venice and his allies, the Venetians, to the apostolic benevolence. Bald-win intimated that before embarking for the Holy Land he proposed to consolidate his dominion in the new empire and to introduce there the Latin rite.

Innocent was placed in a situation of some difficulty. The failure of the crusade caused him deep grief. The deviation of the expedition was in flagrant violation of his orders. But the city was captured. The great rival Church had been forcibly brought into union or subjection. A Catholic instead of an Orthodox emperor was seated upon the throne of the East. The schism, the obstinacy, the indifference of the Greeks had been punished. He had seen what so many of his predecessors had desired to see. Against the disobedience of the Crusaders were to be set off the advantages which might result from their conquest. The expedition had been crowned with success, and that success had so completely changed the situation that for a time Innocent was bewildered. His reply to the letter of Baldwin was at first in vague or general terms.

He “ rejoiced at the success of Baldwin’s arms.” He would take the empire of Baldwin under the protection of St. Peter, and he ordered all the Crusaders to help Baldwin by their counsels and their deeds. He promised that he would do his best to furnish the clergy who were asked for. He urged upon Baldwin that the only way to make sure of his dominion was to make the subjection of the Greek Church to the Holy See complete. On the principle of rendering unto Cjjesar that which is Caesar’s and unto God that which is his, he urged the new emperor to be careful to preserve all Church property. The union of the churches was evidently the one compensating fact which weighed against the disobedience of the Crusaders. Addressing the bishops and clergy in the expedition, he urged them to do their utmost to make the union complete. If they did this, there would soon be but one fold under one shepherd.

God delivered the city into the hands of the Latins

“God delivered the city into the hands of the Latins,” says one Western writer, “ because the Greeks had asserted that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father only, and celebrated the mass with leavened bread.” “ By the wickedness of its long schism this city had provoked the Divine wrath.” a “ As the Crusaders knew that it was rebellious and odious to the Roman Church, they did not think that the forcing upon it another ruler would be displeasing either to the pope or to God.” Similar expressions occur in the contemporary accounts with great frequency and evident belief in their force.

This overwhelming sentiment in favor of the absolute and indispensable union of the churches (a union, moreover, which the Crusaders knew would be the only fact which would tend to justify them to Innocent), applied also, though not to the same degree, to the union of Europe under one temporal head. It must be remembered also that the modern conception of a distinction between Church and State, between things temporal and things spiritual, hardly existed at the opening of the thirteenth century.

Chapel of Bucoleon

The imperial power in the West was to a certain extent in commission; but the power of Cesar had by no means passed away, and the electors in the Chapel of Bucoleon, bound by their oaths to select the best man in the interests of Christendom, may well have seriously discussed the proposal to name Philip. The last crusade had been largely hindered because of the hostility which had been shown by the people under the rule of Constantinople. Were Philip emperor, then not only could his troops pass in safety through Romania, but a large force could be selected from the Greeks themselves who would join the Crusaders. If any other were elected, then the old hostility would be shown, and though for a time Baldwin, or whoever else might be selected, would be friendly to the soldiers of the West who were fighting the battles of Christendom, yet every year would tend to make the interest of the Eastern Cesar opposed to that of his Western rival. The remedy was to name Philip.

The reply of course was that Philip was King of Swabia, and, though he claimed to be emperor, was opposed by Otlio and disclaimed by the pope. Still it may well be that Philip, as Hurter states, was proposed, that he was supported by the partisans of Boniface, and that the Venetians themselves may have hesitated over the rejection of such a proposal.

When, after the long deliberations, it became clear that Baldwin was the candidate of the majority, some further time was probably lost in determining that he should be the candidate named by all. It was evident that, in presence of the divisions among the Crusaders, it was in the common interest that the candidate selected should have, as far as possible, unanimous support. A resolution, therefore, by which he should be selected by all commended itself to all, and at length was carried.