National Movement

This was not because her people had any special preference for Republican institutions, but because, as M. Thiers said in regard to France, “One can make a republic without republicans, but one cannot make a monarchy without a monarch.” Happily, the shrewd good sense which characterized the leaders of the National Movement led them to realize the truth that, under existing conditions, their country could only preserve her independence under a Monarchy. After many abortive attempts and many unsuccessful negotiations, a cadet of one of the royal houses of Europe was found, in the person of Prince Ferdinand, ready to accept the proffered crown.

Previous to his selection by the Regency which was appointed on Prince Alexander’s abdication, and of which M. Stambouloff was the leading member, there were probably not a score of persons in all Bulgaria who had ever heard the name of her future sovereign. No doubt, a similar remark would have held good of his predecessor at the time of his accession. But then Alexander came to Bulgaria as her sovereign at the instance and with the approval of the Czar, the Liberator of Bulgaria; while Ferdinand, on his accession, was not befriended by any great European Power, and was notoriously a persona ingrata to the one Power from whom Bulgaria had most either to hope or fear.

As the younger son of the head of the non-regnant branch of the Saxe-Coburgs, his father being a great Austrian nobleman, and his mother a daughter of the ex-King of the French, he had no other known claim to distinction than that of belonging to an illustrious family, connected by ties of consanguinity with almost all the royal houses of Europe, and occupying a high position in Austria, where their estates were situated.

National Movement

This was not because her people had any special preference for Republican institutions, but because, as M. Thiers said in regard to France, “One can make a republic without republicans, but one cannot make a monarchy without a monarch.” Happily, the shrewd good sense which characterized the leaders of the National Movement led them to realize the truth that, under existing conditions, their country could only preserve her independence under a Monarchy. After many abortive attempts and many unsuccessful negotiations, a cadet of one of the royal houses of Europe was found, in the person of Prince Ferdinand, ready to accept the proffered crown.

Previous to his selection by the Regency which was appointed on Prince Alexander’s abdication, and of which M. Stambouloff was the leading member, there were probably not a score of persons in all Bulgaria who had ever heard the name of her future sovereign. No doubt, a similar remark would have held good of his predecessor at the time of his accession. But then Alexander came to Bulgaria as her sovereign at the instance and with the approval of the Czar, the Liberator of Bulgaria; while Ferdinand, on his accession, was not befriended by any great European Power, and was notoriously a persona ingrata to the one Power from whom Bulgaria had most either to hope or fear.

As the younger son of the head of the non-regnant branch of the Saxe-Coburgs, his father being a great Austrian nobleman, and his mother a daughter of the ex-King of the French, he had no other known claim to distinction than that of belonging to an illustrious family, connected by ties of consanguinity with almost all the royal houses of Europe, and occupying a high position in Austria, where their estates were situated.

National Movement

This was not because her people had any special preference for Republican institutions, but because, as M. Thiers said in regard to France, “One can make a republic without republicans, but one cannot make a monarchy without a monarch.” Happily, the shrewd good sense which characterized the leaders of the National Movement led them to realize the truth that, under existing conditions, their country could only preserve her independence under a Monarchy. After many abortive attempts and many unsuccessful negotiations, a cadet of one of the royal houses of Europe was found, in the person of Prince Ferdinand, ready to accept the proffered crown.

Previous to his selection by the Regency which was appointed on Prince Alexander’s abdication, and of which M. Stambouloff was the leading member, there were probably not a score of persons in all Bulgaria who had ever heard the name of her future sovereign. No doubt, a similar remark would have held good of his predecessor at the time of his accession. But then Alexander came to Bulgaria as her sovereign at the instance and with the approval of the Czar, the Liberator of Bulgaria; while Ferdinand, on his accession, was not befriended by any great European Power, and was notoriously a persona ingrata to the one Power from whom Bulgaria had most either to hope or fear.

As the younger son of the head of the non-regnant branch of the Saxe-Coburgs, his father being a great Austrian nobleman, and his mother a daughter of the ex-King of the French, he had no other known claim to distinction than that of belonging to an illustrious family, connected by ties of consanguinity with almost all the royal houses of Europe, and occupying a high position in Austria, where their estates were situated.

National Movement

This was not because her people had any special preference for Republican institutions, but because, as M. Thiers said in regard to France, “One can make a republic without republicans, but one cannot make a monarchy without a monarch.” Happily, the shrewd good sense which characterized the leaders of the National Movement led them to realize the truth that, under existing conditions, their country could only preserve her independence under a Monarchy. After many abortive attempts and many unsuccessful negotiations, a cadet of one of the royal houses of Europe was found, in the person of Prince Ferdinand, ready to accept the proffered crown.

Previous to his selection by the Regency which was appointed on Prince Alexander’s abdication, and of which M. Stambouloff was the leading member, there were probably not a score of persons in all Bulgaria who had ever heard the name of her future sovereign. No doubt, a similar remark would have held good of his predecessor at the time of his accession. But then Alexander came to Bulgaria as her sovereign at the instance and with the approval of the Czar, the Liberator of Bulgaria; while Ferdinand, on his accession, was not befriended by any great European Power, and was notoriously a persona ingrata to the one Power from whom Bulgaria had most either to hope or fear.

As the younger son of the head of the non-regnant branch of the Saxe-Coburgs, his father being a great Austrian nobleman, and his mother a daughter of the ex-King of the French, he had no other known claim to distinction than that of belonging to an illustrious family, connected by ties of consanguinity with almost all the royal houses of Europe, and occupying a high position in Austria, where their estates were situated.